The U.S. position is unlikely to change. Nevertheless, given the myriad domestic and international challenges that Obama will face in the next four years, the U.S. president must be loath to see new trouble in East Asia, over which the Diaoyu Islands territorial dispute between China and Japan has already cast a dark shadow. At least he has the willingness to keep North Korea at bay.

Seeking a solution

The future development of the Korean Peninsula situation hinges, first and foremost, on the judgment of the Kim Jong Un administration. As a sovereign country, North Korea has the right to develop nuclear energy and its outer space capabilities for peaceful purposes, and deserves the respect of the international community. In today's world, however, no country can willfully disregard the common interests of the international community, restrictions imposed by UN Security Council resolutions and neighboring countries' strategic and security concerns.

Under the new circumstances, North Korea should reconsider its way of thinking, which holds that advances in nuclear missile technology will give it an edge in negotiations with the United States. It has to be aware that it is impossible to use only nuclear weapons and missiles to ensure enduring security and improvements in its relations with the U.S. Measures to raise living standards at home and expand dialogue and exchanges with other countries will be more conducive to winning international understanding, sympathy and respect than a nuclear missile program.

The United States and South Korea should come to terms with the stark fact that North Korea's deep-seated sense of insecurity is rooted in unrelenting sanctions and pressure from the West. A containment policy based on ideological differences and strategic considerations will not result in a regime change in North Korea, but may force the country to take more actions that embarrass and shock the world.

A holistic approach is necessary for dealing with issues on the Korean Peninsula. It is unrealistic to demand that Pyongyang give up the quest for self-defense capabilities unilaterally. Countries concerned should make an objective assessment of so-called threats from North Korea, show more understanding of the country's instinct for self-protection and extend goodwill with concrete actions, making efforts that are bound to contribute to an easing of tensions.

Balance and stability on the Korean Peninsula serve China's interests. It voted for the UN Security Council Resolution 2087 on condition that basic concerns such as avoiding excessive provocation against Pyongyang and recognizing the importance of the six-party talks were met. The talks, which involve South Korea, North Korea, China, the United States, Japan and Russia, were launched in 2003 with the purpose of resolving the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue before grinding to a halt in December 2008.

China makes every effort to safeguard peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula not because it wants to help other countries manage North Korea but out of consideration for its own interests. In the eyes of the Chinese, Washington's strategic containment of North Korea is closely linked to its efforts to hedge against China due to the intimate bonds between China and North Korea cemented by history and geopolitical interests.

Since North Korea is a country with a high nationalistic spirit, China's influence over Pyongyang is not as significant as the West has touted. China's unique role in Northeast Asia lies in the prudent and intelligent projection of its influence in light of its strategic and shared interests. The United States should not question China's forthrightness when communicating with Pyongyang, nor should it expect China to take dramatic actions against North Korea for U.S. interests and become the last straw to break its neighbor's back.

The author is an op-ed contributor to Beijing Review

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