It has been a little more than four months since Shinzo Abe was sworn in as Japan's prime minister. With a flurry of diplomatic activities and policy pledges, Abe and his cabinet have largely shaped a new foreign policy framework.

Abe first adjusted the thinking behind Japan's foreign policy. To adapt to that change, he has sought an institutional reform of the government.

As soon as he assumed office on September 26, 2006, Abe raised a new diplomatic concept-"proactive

diplomacy." In his policy speech to the Diet on September 29, he noted that in response to North Korea's missile launches, Japan took the initiative and proposed a draft resolution to the UN Security Council to impose sanctions on North Korea, which was adopted unanimously. "The times demanded that Japan shifts to proactive diplomacy based on new thinking," he said.

Abe's proposal was consistent with Japan's quest for the status of a major political power and even a world leader. It provides further evidence that Japan, discontented with its long-held political standing since the end of World War II, is anxious to make its voice better heard in the international community.

While tightening the prime minister's grip on power at home, Abe appears poised to improve the decision-making ability of the prime minister and his cabinet on foreign affairs and security. To that end, he charged a special agency to carry out research on the establishment of a national security council. A meeting was held on January 15 to discuss the matter. Although no agreement was reached, it was decided that the prime minister, the chief cabinet secretary, the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of defense and the minister of finance would become formal members of the national security council, responsible for devising medium- and long-term security strategies.

Within this framework, security and diplomatic strategies are formulated by a small group with the prime minister at the core. It is bound to consolidate the prime minister's power in these fields. At the same time, it will weaken the influence of cabinet bureaucracies such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, thereby improving the efficiency of the government and helping establish a more streamlined and centralized regime that can better cope with crises.

Double axis

Over the past decades, Japan has always given top priority to the Japan-U.S. alliance in its foreign relations. Abe's cabinet is no exception. While vowing to build a "Japan-U.S. alliance for Asia and the world," the prime minister continues to cooperate closely with the United States on major international issues, such as the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan. In a meeting with U.S. President George W. Bush in November last year, Abe reaffirmed the principle of strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance based on "universal values." As far as the Japan-U.S. axis is concerned, Abe has largely inherited the policy of his predecessors without coming up with any new initiatives.

Nevertheless, his cabinet has added a fresh dimension to Japan's foreign policy-the combination of values and geopolitics. In his speech at the Japan Institute of International Affairs in November, Foreign Minster Taro Aso put forward the concepts of "value-oriented diplomacy" and "arc of freedom and prosperity," which he defined as a new axis of Japan's diplomacy.

Obviously, Russia, North Korea, China and some countries in the Middle East are regarded as Japan's opponents in this geopolitical arc, and Japan will try to spread the values of "democracy" and "freedom" to these countries.

As a matter of fact, the Abe government is taking advantage of these abstract ideological notions to drive Japan's campaign to be a major political power and to solicit support for its bid to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

Diplomatic agenda

Abe has tried to improve Japan's relations with China, South Korea, Europe and "democracies" in the Asia-Pacific region through a series of visits. It is his belief that given Japan's close economic links with China and South Korea, an enhanced mutual trust between Japan and these two neighbors is significant to Asia and the world at large. In the years ahead, Japan will be committed to holding frank dialogues with China and South Korea.

Abe visited the two countries in early October last year, shortly after he took office. As the new prime minister, he was able to break the impasse, bringing about a thaw in Japan's relations with China and South Korea. However, it should be noted that fluctuations are likely unless Abe's cabinet evaluates Japan's past correctly, abandons the Cold War mentality and seeks win-win results.

Japan's relationship with Europe has long been a weak link in its diplomacy. In January, Abe toured Britain, Germany, France and Belgium before he headed to the Philippines to attend the East Asia Summit, moves highlighting Japan's new diplomatic vision of "a Eurasian arc."

Abe repeatedly stressed that Japan shares the same values as European countries while meeting European leaders during his trip. The approach turned out to be successful, as some European countries also set great store by those values.

The Abe government sees great value in the cooperation with Asia-Pacific "democracies." It is set to enhance its cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), while promoting the expansion of "democratic countries" and "free societies" in the Asia-Pacific region. It also actively seeks top-level strategic dialogues with Australia and India.

In addition, Japan has intensified efforts to mediate the North Korean nuclear issue and curb China's military development. North Korea is severely isolated in the international community for its confrontational policies toward the West, a situation that was worsened in the wake of its long-range missile tests in July last year and an underground nuclear test in October.

Japan took this opportunity to create a positive image with a slew of diplomatic initiatives to impose sanctions against Pyongyang. It should be admitted that this strategy proved successful as it won Japan some recognition in the international community.

Moreover, Japan continues to exert pressure on North Korea for its abduction of Japanese citizens, plunging the country into an even more difficult position. Abe met with Russian President Vladimir Putin during the Summit of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in November last year. At Abe's request, Putin affirmed that kidnapping is an incomprehensible, barbaric act and Russia would continue to assist Japan in resolving this problem.

At the same time, Abe touted the rhetoric that China's military spending is not transparent and is growing too fast. One of the important issues on his European agenda was to dissuade European countries from lifting the EU's arms embargo on China.

Japan's deep-seated suspicion of China has persisted. Despite its pledge to develop a strategic and mutually beneficial relationship with China, it has not taken any concrete actions to the benefit of its neighbor. Instead, it has spared no efforts to hold back the development of China's military.

Seeking breakthroughs

During his first few months in office, Abe sought breakthroughs in three areas. First of all, he beefed up Japan's pursuit of permanent membership in the UN Security Council, a core strategic goal of the country's diplomacy.

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan has devoted huge resources to this campaign. Abe continued the endeavor after he took the reins.

Wherever he traveled, he would talk about the reform of the UN Security Council, thank his hosts for their support and look forward to further cooperation.

For example, Abe told British Prime Minster Tony Blair that the reform of the Security Council should address the concerns of the major countries and a flexible, detailed scheme needs to be explored. Blair, for his part, indicated that Britain supports Japan's bid, asserting that without Japan the UN Security Council will not be able to maintain its credibility.

In Germany, Abe thanked German Chancellor Angela Merkel for the cooperation within the Group of Four-India, Japan, Germany and Brazil. He also said the reform of the UN Security Council is essential to accommodate the UN to the 21st century, while expressing the hope to cooperate with Germany to study new plans for the reform.

It is the hope of the Abe government that Japan will make substantial progress in this regard in the 61st UN General Assembly that is expected to close in September this year.

Abe also tried to make a breakthrough in Japan's overseas military actions. Apart from Japan's military presence in Iraq, the Abe government seeks to carry out international military operations more freely and on a larger scale. In January this year, the Japanese Defense Agency was elevated to a full ministry, heralding a new era of Japan's military operations.

The upgrade not only is a step Japan has taken toward being a major political power but also signals that Japan will boost its military presence around the world to assist the United States.

Finally, Abe wants to see a breakthrough in Japan's attempt to lead East Asian cooperation. Japan is eager to take part in East Asian cooperation.

While recognizing this positive stance, we should note that Japan has vied to dominate the cooperative process. In the Second East Asia Summit in Cebu, the Philippines, in January, Abe called on the 16 countries of the summit to establish a free trade area. In fact, this initiative was merely a new measure it took after the countries in the region showed little interest in its Economic Partnership Agreement.

Although Japan's proposal may help promote East Asian cooperation, it is apparently meant to secure its leading role in East Asia. Ideology also factored in. At the ASEAN Plus Three (China, Japan and South Korea) Summit in Cebu, Abe underlined the importance of "universal values" to the unity and stability of ASEAN, another testament to his government's commitment to "value-oriented diplomacy."

To sum up, Abe has inherited a lot from his predecessor Junichiro Koizumi in terms of foreign policy. This continuity is evident when it comes to his hard-line style, perception of Japan as a major power, eagerness to lead East Asian cooperation and obsession with ideology.

However, Abe's cabinet has exhibited some distinctive characteristics such as flexibility and pragmatism. It is ready to adjust its strategies and use a carrot and stick approach to realize Japan's long-term strategic goals.

The author is director of the Program of Japan Policy Studies in the International Relations Institute, China Foreign Affairs University