The military standoff between China and India in the Donglang region has lasted for almost two months by far, and there is still no end in sight.

China has made it clear that there is no room for negotiation and the only solution is the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of Indian troops from the region.

The situation boils down to three main reasons why China cannot and will not back down.

Donglang is Chinese territory and there is no doubt or dispute over it. The Donglang standoff differs from previous military confrontations along the China-India boundary. It is India's first intrusion into the Chinese side across the mutually recognized boundary.

The Donglang region belongs to China and has been under Chinese rule for a very long time. This part of the boundary between China's Tibet Autonomous Region and India's Sikkim State is clearly delineated in the 1890 Convention Between Great Britain and China Relating to Sikkim and Tibet.

Every Indian government since its independence has confirmed the boundary as it stands. It is hard to understand why India has decided to abandon its previous position and challenge the convention at this time.

If China backs down now, India may be emboldened to make more trouble in the future. Beijing and New Delhi still have a number of differences over undefined sections of frontier, but Donglang is not one of them.

It is simply illegal for India to send military personnel into Chinese territory, even under the pretext of "security concerns" or "protection" of Bhutan. This is not a grey area. India has not provided any legal basis at all for its actions.

India contends that the building of some roads represents a significant change of the status quo with serious security implications and, in coordination with Bhutan, the Indian military attempted to stop the work in progress.

India attempts to justify its action in the name of protecting Bhutan, arguing that Donglang is Bhutanese territory, but even if that were the case, how does that entitle India to send troops there?

Although India and Bhutan have traditionally close relations, India recognizes Bhutan as an independent sovereign state. This raises the questions of when and why Thimphu invited India to protect its interests there. So far, there is no evidence that any such invitation was ever made.

Donglang is perceived to have strategic significance to India, due to its proximity to the Siliguri Corridor—India's sensitive "chicken's neck"—connecting seven northeastern states with the rest of the country.

India's own security concerns cannot possibly warrant a military occupation of a neighboring country. If they did, then any country could send its military forces unbidden into any neighboring country over purely internal security concerns.

Finally, the border line is the bottom line. China has repeatedly stated that it will never allow any people, organization or political party to split any part of Chinese territory away from the country at any time, in any form. China's position on such matters is crystal clear and unwavering.

Some Indian strategists and policymakers may be laboring under the misunderstanding that China will back down sooner or later, citing resistance from vested interests in China's ongoing reform; that reform of the People's Liberation Army remains unfinished; and that India could play a key role in the United States' China containment strategy.

China has absolutely no reason or desire to enter into a war with its neighbor. A peaceful and stable environment is crucial for economic growth and current reform drive, but it is ridiculous to conclude that China will allow its sovereignty and territorial integrity to be compromised. China will never back down in the face of foreign military pressure and will defend every inch of its soil at all costs.

In conclusion, the only option for India is to unconditionally withdraw its troops from China and prevent any escalation of the crisis. Continued peace and tranquility in the China-India border areas are undeniably in the fundamental interests of all.

The author is an associate professor with the International College of Defense at the National Defense University of the People's Liberation Army

Comments to yushujun@bjreview.com