To build socialism, the working class must have its own army of technical cadres and of professors, teachers, scientists, journalists, writers, artists and Marxist theorists. It must be a vast army; a small number of people will not suffice. Some of China's present-day intellectuals came from the old society, but the larger part have been trained in the new. The overwhelming majority are willing to work hard for socialism and are indeed doing so. They make up an invaluable force. Taken all in all, intellectuals who are more or less familiar with Marxism and take a resolute stand, the stand of the proletariat, are a minority. However, the great majority, having been tempered in many political movements, and in particular the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, have made progress in varying degrees in transforming their bourgeois world outlook into the proletarian world outlook, the process of gradually acquiring and consolidating the latter. Those who oppose socialism are very few in number. Totally negating the signal achievements of our Party in training and remoulding intellectuals since the founding of the People's Republic, the "gang of four" repressed and stifled the revolutionary enthusiasm of the mass of intellectuals. While recruiting a handful of reactionary scribes to work for them, they regarded the mass of intellectuals as fit only for subjection to dictatorship and stigmatized them as the "stinking ninth category." To counter all this, Chairman Mao issued several major directives in 1975. He indicated: "In educational, scientific, literary and artistic, journalistic and medical circles in which intellectuals are concentrated, there are some people who are good and who have learnt some Marxism-Leninism." "The 'ninth category' mustn't quit." He also said: "Do away with the mistaken metaphysical notions that 'gold must be pure' and that 'man must be perfect.'" Further: "Apply to writers the principle of learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient. As long as they are not hidden counter-revolutionaries guilty of serious crimes, give them help." Citing Duhring, whom Engels criticized, as an example, Chairman Mao made this sharp remark: "The University of Berlin sacked Duhring, which made Engels unhappy. Polemics is polemics. Why the sack? Duhring lived to be over eighty but enjoyed no reputation. Be careful in meting out punishment. It's a sign of weak nerves to sack and imprison people at will." We must observe Chairman Mao's instructions and faithfully carry out the Party's policy of uniting with, educating and remoulding intellectuals and harnessing their enthusiasm for socialist construction. As long as they love our country, the People's Republic of China, we must unite with them and give them the chance to put their abilities to good use. At the same time, we must intensify our efforts to educate them and eagerly help and encourage them to remould their world outlook in the three great revolutionary movements, to persist in integrating themselves with workers and peasants, to acquire proletarian qualities step by step and to become both red and expert. We educate and remould intellectuals out of concern for them and in order the better to draw upon their enthusiasm. To attach due importance to their role is precisely the focal point in the correct policy concerning intellectuals which Chairman Mao formulated for our Party. It is a task of strategic importance for our Party to build up a vast army of working-class intellectuals. The Party committees of the provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions and the ministries and commissions under the central authorities must each work out a plan, lose no time in putting it into effect and strive for the fulfilment of this strategic task.
Sixth. We must strengthen the people's state apparatus.
The current tasks facing the People's Liberation Army are grasping the key link of class struggle and running the army well, deepening the campaign to expose and criticize the "gang of four," pushing army building and preparations against war and taking further steps to revolutionize and modernize the army.
The "gang of four" were radically opposed to Chairman Mao's military line and his principles governing army building. They vainly tried to undermine the Party's absolute leadership over the army and impair the system under which our armed forces are integrated to comprise the field armies, the regional forces and the militia, and they blocked the enforcement of the resolution adopted at the enlarged meeting of the Military Commission in 1975. Their misdeeds were many. Their machinations which were designed to oppose and disrupt the army and usurp authority in it were rebuffed by the commanders and fighters of the People's Liberation Army. To grasp the key link of class struggle and run the army well, we must take Chairman Mao's military thinking and military line as our lodestar and press on with the exposure and criticism of the "gang of four," linking it closely with the actual conditions in the army units, and further implement Chairman Mao's instruction, "To grasp army work means precisely taking up the study of the Party line, checking unhealthy tendencies, overcoming the mountain-stronghold mentality and factionalism and stressing unity." In recent days, the whole army has been conducting a profound education on ideological and political line. Ten questions concerning the two lines, the truth of which was turned upside down by the "gang of four," are under discussion. The whole army is striving to carry forward the spirit embodied in the resolution adopted at the Kutien Meeting [December, 1929 - Tr.] and the fine tradition of political work in the army. It has launched an extensive movement to learn from the model soldier Lei Feng and the Hard-Bone Sixth Company. This has spurred training for war-preparedness and brought about a lively revolutionary atmosphere in the army. We must work harder to bring the revolutionization of the army to a new level.
We are confronted with threats and aggression by imperialism, and especially by social-imperialism. The Soviet revisionists are bent on subjugating our country and we must be prepared for war. We must follow Chairman Mao's military thinking and military line and try harder to implement his instruction: "We will have not only a powerful army but also a powerful air force and a powerful navy." We must unswervingly follow Chairman Mao's theory of people's war. Whether the enemy starts a war sooner or later, a major war or a minor one, a conventional war or a nuclear one, our army must without fail rely on the magic weapon of people's war, and be ready at all times to deal a crushing blow to any enemy that dares to invade our country. The "gang of four" viciously labelled the modernization of our national defence forces as an application of the "purely military viewpoint" and of the "theory that weapons decide everything." This was nothing but an absurd attempt to undermine the modernization of our army and render it backward and vulnerable in the face of an enemy armed to the teeth. We must unmask the "gang of four" and condemn their crime of obstructing our preparations against war. We must stiffen our war-preparedness in every way. In particular, we must do as Chairman Mao taught us, "Rigorous training and strict demands-only thus can we fight well." We must intensify military training and become invincible against any enemy in combat. We must run military schools of all types and levels well and redouble our efforts to train military and political leading cadres of all grades and technical personnel. At the same time, we must do our utmost to strengthen research in science and technology and increase armament production for our national defence, so that the army's equipment will attain a new level.
Militia work is most important. In accordance with the system under which our armed forces are integrated to comprise the field armies, the regional forces and the militia, we must strengthen the building up of the militia and see to it that the work is carried through organizationally, politically and militarily in order to contribute to the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The whole Party, the whole army and the whole nation must diligently make effective preparations against wars of aggression and for the liberation of Taiwan.
We must strengthen our public security work and the socialist legal system. We must thoroughly liquidate the poisonous influence of the nonsense spread by the "gang of four," which reversed the relationship of the people to the enemy. We must draw a clear distinction between the people and the enemy and direct the spearhead of our dictatorship against the reactionary classes, the reactionaries and the counter-revolutionaries, including the landlords, rich peasants, reactionary capitalists and all traitors. As for embezzlers, swindlers, murderers, arsonists, criminal gangs, smash-and-grabbers and all other bad elements who seriously disrupt public order in our socialist society, they too must be subjected to dictatorship. We must strike surely, accurately and relentlessly at the handful of class enemies, with the stress on accuracy, and protect the people's interests and the socialist system.
Seventh. We must promote democracy and strengthen democratic centralism.
Within the ranks of the people, we cannot do without freedom, nor can we do without discipline; we cannot do without democracy, nor can we do without centralism. The unity of democracy and centralism, of freedom and discipline, constitutes our democratic centralism. Without democratic centralism, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be consolidated.
Give full play to democracy among the people and within the Party, let people speak out and make criticisms - that is what Chairman Mao consistently taught us. On November 21, 1973 he wrote this comment on a letter from an ordinary citizen, which criticized Chiang Ching, "Have this letter printed and distributed among all the comrades in the Political Bureau. Some of its opinions are good. Let people make criticisms." A little later, in remarks directed at the arbitrariness and arrogance of the "gang of four," he caustically observed, "Certain comrades make it their job to criticize other people. They won't allow others to criticize them at all. They resent criticism, as though their ancestral graves were being profaned! They are quick to brand others as elements hostile to the Party, socialism and Mao Tsetung Thought or as members of the counter-revolutionary May 16th Organization." In violation of Chairman Mao's instructions, the "gang of four" wilfully trod upon democracy among the people and within the Party, wielding a big stick and slapping on political labels right and left, lording it over the Party and trampling on the people. At the same time, they stirred up anarchism, advocated "kicking aside the Party committees in order to make revolution" and alleged that the "correct orientation is to direct the spearhead upwards against the leadership," that "all rules and regulations must be smashed," and that "the greater the disturbances, the better." They undermined both proletarian democracy and proletarian centralism. In exposing and repudiating the "gang of four," we must give full play to democracy among the people and within the Party and strengthen democratic centralism.
To strengthen democratic centralism, we must use Chairman Mao's teachings to educate our comrades and help them to understand what democratic life means and what the relationship between democracy and centralism should be. We must genuinely promote democratic inner-Party life, and conscientiously implement what Chairman Mao constantly advocated: "Say all you know and say it without reserve," "Blame not the speaker but be warned by his words," and "Correct mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if you have not." On the other hand, we must guard against ultra-democracy or licence which destroys discipline. The purpose of promoting democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat is to fight more effectively against our class enemies, correctly handle the contradictions among the people, strengthen the Party's leading role, and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat, all in order to serve the socialist economic base. It is by no means to weaken, much less to undermine, the Party's leading role and the dictatorship of the proletariat, or to weaken, much less to undermine, the socialist economic base.
To strengthen democratic centralism, we must firmly oppose any acts in violation of our organization and discipline and we must reaffirm the discipline of the Party, namely: (1) The individual is subordinate to the organization; (2) the minority is subordinate to the majority; (3) the lower level is subordinate to the higher level; and (4) the entire Party is subordinate to the Central Committee. We must educate the soldiers, the cadres and the masses, educate Party members and the people in the Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention.
Chairman Mao said: "Our aim is to create a political situation in which we have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness, and thus to promote our socialist revolution and socialist construction, make it easier to overcome difficulties, build a modern industry and modern agriculture more rapidly and make our Party and state more secure and better able to weather storm and stress." Applying Mao Tsetung Thought, we must achieve a common understanding throughout the Party and the army and among the people of all nationalities, strengthen democratic centralism and bring about the political situation Chairman Mao envisaged.
Eighth. We must implement the policy of overall consideration and all-round arrangement.
The policy of overall consideration and all-round arrangement is the consistent policy of our Party. What kind of policy is this? It is one of mobilizing all positive forces to build socialism. It is a strategic policy.
In order to implement it, we must get rid of the destructive effects of the interference and sabotage of the "gang of four" in every sphere and correctly carry out in their entirety the proletarian policies formulated by Chairman Mao for the Party. Whatever the problem - whether it concerns the cadres, intellectuals, educated youth working in the countryside and mountain areas, the minority nationalities, the united front, or anything else - we must always proceed from the standpoint of overall consideration and make proper arrangements. Our Party as a whole, and the leading cadres at all levels in particular, must have a good grasp of Chairman Mao's concept of overall consideration and do a better job of putting it into effect.
Cadres are invaluable assets to our Party. In the work of screening the cadres some problems have been left unsettled, and they should be handled judiciously, promptly and properly. Those who are able to work but have not been given jobs should be suitably assigned as soon as possible. The aged and the infirm who are no longer fit to work should be properly provided for. In a few cases where verdicts are needed, they should be given without delay. All slanders and false charges levelled at anyone by the "gang of four" should be repudiated and cancelled. On the other hand, our comrades, and especially those who have been screened, must take a correct attitude towards the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, towards the masses and towards themselves.
Our educated young people are like the sun at eight or nine in the morning, and they have the added advantage of schooling. We should train them to be a fresh force for building a powerful and modern socialist country. "It is most necessary for young people with education to go to the countryside to be re-educated by the poor and lower-middle peasants." This directive of Chairman Mao's must be steadfastly carried out. Problems arising from its actual implementation must be effectively tackled in accordance with the principle of basing solutions on overall consideration.
It is most important to do our work well in the minority nationality areas and border regions. Our help to the minority nationalities should be active and sincere. We should conscientiously train minority cadres imbued with communist consciousness, and make a real success of the socialist revolution and socialist construction in the minority nationality areas. We should conduct constant and extensive education in our proletarian nationality policy, with the emphasis on opposing Han chauvinism while at the same time opposing local-nationality chauvinism, so as to foster good relations between the minority nationalities and the Han nationality and strengthen and develop the ties of unity among all the nationalities.
Chairman Mao taught us: "We should unite with everyone provided he truly makes a clear distinction between the people and the enemy and serves the people." We must adhere to this policy and develop the united front led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance, a united front which embraces patriotic democratic parties, patriotic personages, compatriots in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, and our countrymen overseas.
These are the eight tasks our Party must perform at present and for some time to come in grasping the key link of class struggle and bringing about great order across the land. They are glorious but arduous fighting tasks. We must do an immense amount of hard work to fulfil them in their entirety. The Central Committee has decided that the Fifth National People's Congress shall be convened at an appropriate time. This will be another major event in our people's political life. Doubtless, it will further consolidate and develop the excellent situation in China, consolidate and expand our great victory in smashing the Wang-Chang-Chiang-Yao "gang of four," and encourage the people of all nationalities to accomplish all these fighting tasks successfully. The Fifth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference will go into session simultaneously with the National People's Congress. We must earnestly exert ourselves to mobilize all positive factors inside and outside the Party, strengthen the great unity of the whole Party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities in the common struggle to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and build up our great socialist motherland.
As we review the experience in the eleventh struggle between the two lines and look at the prospects at home and abroad, our confidence in winning greater victories is multiplied a hundredfold. Our Party and our country are both full of promise. As Chairman Mao put it: "Such is our optimism. It is based on scientific grounds. Provided that we know more about Marxism-Leninism and the natural sciences, in short, more about the laws of the objective world, and make fewer mistakes of a subjectivist kind, we are sure to attain our goals in revolution and construction." Our Party's history, a history distinguished by its complete victory in the democratic revolution and its great victories in the socialist revolution, is a history in which the whole Party under Chairman Mao's leadership has come to know more and more about the laws of the development of the objective world and has accordingly formulated and carried out its line and policies. We can be sure that our Party will become politically more mature, ideologically more unified and organizationally more secure as a result of the present congress, of the great struggle to expose and repudiate the "gang of four" and of the all-Party rectification movement. Our country will march forward victoriously in giant strides in its socialist revolution and socialist construction.
Of course, the road is tortuous and revolution always advances in waves. We should at all times act in accordance with dialectics. In times of difficulty we must see the bright future and not bend or swerve; in times of victory we must not lose sight of the difficulties ahead and must guard against conceit and impetuosity. We are fully confident that under the leadership of the Central Committee, the Chinese people will surmount all conceivable difficulties and work miracles; they will do so, holding high the great banner of Chairman Mao, carrying out his behests, adhering to the line of the Eleventh Congress, grasping the key link of class struggle and bringing about great order across the land, continuing the revolution and fighting in unity. The whole world will see that in continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people, armed with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, are not only good at defeating their class enemies at home and abroad and safeguarding the dictatorship of the proletariat, but are also good at building a great powerful socialist country with modern agriculture, modern industry, modern national defence and modern science and technology, and will thus make a greater contribution to humanity.
Long live invincible Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!
Long live the great, glorious and correct Communist Party of China!
(NO. 35 AUGUST 26, 1977)