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UPDATED: January 24, 2007 NO.5 FEB.1, 2007
Rising Sun?
Abe first adjusted the thinking behind Japan's foreign policy. To adapt to that change, he has sought an institutional reform of the government.
By ZHOU YONGSHENG
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At the same time, Abe touted the rhetoric that China's military spending is not transparent and is growing too fast. One of the important issues on his European agenda was to dissuade European countries from lifting the EU's arms embargo on China. Japan's deep-seated suspicion of China has persisted. Despite its pledge to develop a strategic and mutually beneficial relationship with China, it has not taken any concrete actions to the benefit of its neighbor. Instead, it has spared no efforts to hold back the development of China's military.

Seeking breakthroughs

During his first few months in office, Abe sought breakthroughs in three areas. First of all, he beefed up Japan's pursuit of permanent membership in the UN Security Council, a core strategic goal of the country's diplomacy. Since the end of the Cold War, Japan has devoted huge resources to this campaign. Abe continued the endeavor after he took the reins.

Wherever he traveled, he would talk about the reform of the UN Security Council, thank his hosts for their support and look forward to further cooperation. For example, Abe told British Prime Minster Tony Blair that the reform of the Security Council should address the concerns of the major countries and a flexible, detailed scheme needs to be explored. Blair, for his part, indicated that Britain supports Japan's bid, asserting that without Japan the UN Security Council will not be able to maintain its credibility.

In Germany, Abe thanked German Chancellor Angela Merkel for the cooperation within the Group of Four--India, Japan, Germany and Brazil. He also said the reform of the UN Security Council is essential to accommodate the UN to the 21st century, while expressing the hope to cooperate with Germany to study new plans for the reform. It is the hope of the Abe government that Japan will make substantial progress in this regard in the 61st UN General Assembly that is expected to close in September this year.

Abe also tried to make a breakthrough in Japan's overseas military actions. Apart from Japan's military presence in Iraq, the Abe government seeks to carry out international military operations more freely and on a larger scale. In January this year, the Japanese Defense Agency was elevated to a full ministry, heralding a new era of Japan's military operations. The upgrade not only is a step Japan has taken toward being a major political power but also signals that Japan will boost its military presence around the world to assist the United States.

Finally, Abe wants to see a breakthrough in Japan's attempt to lead East Asian cooperation. Japan is eager to take part in East Asian cooperation. While recognizing this positive stance, we should note that Japan has vied to dominate the cooperative process. In the Second East Asia Summit in Cebu, the Philippines, in January, Abe called on the 16 countries of the summit to establish a free trade area. In fact, this initiative was merely a new measure it took after the countries in the region showed little interest in its Economic Partnership Agreement. Although Japan's proposal may help promote East Asian cooperation, it is apparently meant to secure its leading role in East Asia. Ideology also factored in. At the ASEAN Plus Three (China, Japan and South Korea) Summit in Cebu, Abe underlined the importance of "universal values" to the unity and stability of ASEAN, another testament to his government's commitment to "value-oriented diplomacy."

To sum up, Abe has inherited a lot from his predecessor Junichiro Koizumi in terms of foreign policy. This continuity is evident when it comes to his hard-line style, perception of Japan as a major power, eagerness to lead East Asian cooperation and obsession with ideology. However, Abe's cabinet has exhibited some distinctive characteristics such as flexibility and pragmatism. It is ready to adjust its strategies and use a carrot and stick approach to realize Japan's long-term strategic goals.  

The author is director of the Program of Japan Policy Studies in the International Relations Institute, China Foreign Affairs University

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