Voice
How the Good-Neighborliness Policy Is Gaining Ground
By Koh King Kee  ·  2024-11-28  ·   Source: NO.48 NOVEMBER 28, 2024
Passengers get ready to board a train on the Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway in Padalarang, Indonesia, on October 17. The railway, inaugurated in October 2023, is a flagship project of China-Indonesia cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (XINHUA)

A country's neighborhood policy is generally considered a critical aspect of its foreign policy. Good neighbors are not just a geographic reality but a fundamental pillar of a nation's stability, security and prosperity. The strength of a country lies as much in its borders as in the relationships it nurtures beyond them.

For China, this is particularly relevant. As a vast country sharing land borders with 14 nations, China has long placed relations with neighboring countries high on its diplomatic agenda.

A policy paper issued in October 2023, titled Outlook on China's Foreign Policy on Its Neighborhood in the New Era, explicitly states that "the neighborhood is where China survives and thrives, and [is] the foundation of its development and prosperity." It emphasizes that "as a member of the Asian family and a responsible major country, China attaches great importance to neighborhood diplomacy, always prioritizes the neighborhood on its diplomatic agenda, and remains committed to promoting regional peace, stability, development and prosperity." 

The historical root 

Historically, the principles of "fostering amity with one's neighbors" and "promoting harmony among all nations" used to be central to China's foreign policy.

Rooted in traditional Chinese culture and Confucian philosophy, these principles underscore China's commitment to peaceful coexistence and mutual respect for neighboring states in ancient times.

While the geopolitical landscape has changed, these principles have continued to shape China's good-neighborliness policy, which emphasizes peaceful, stable, cooperative and mutually beneficial relationships with neighboring countries.

China's good-neighborliness policy has not only benefited from historical tradition, but also been guided by the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.

Seventy years ago, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai first proposed these principles during negotiations with the Indian Government over border issues regarding Xizang. They are: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual

non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.

The importance of these principles, stressing peaceful means of resolving disputes, was further solidified at the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, where they became known as the Bandung Principles. These values have become foundational to China's foreign policy.

Guided by them, China has successfully resolved historical boundary issues with 12 neighbors on land through negotiations, and signed the treaties of good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation with neighboring countries. These are certainly a solid testament to the success of China's good-neighborliness diplomacy.

Peace and mutual benefits 

In fact, China's good-neighborliness policy has gained strong support not only from its neighbors, but beyond its borders across Asia.

To date, China has established a broad range of substantive partnerships and strategic, mutually beneficial relations with neighboring countries and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It became the first ASEAN dialogue partner to accede to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and has also signed and ratified the Protocol to the Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia. In 2021, China and ASEAN elevated their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership.

As China strengthened its relationships with neighboring countries, trade with them expanded pointedly. In 2022, China's trade in goods with neighboring countries surpassed $2.17 trillion. China is now the largest trading partner of 18 neighboring countries.

Since China became an ASEAN dialogue partner in 1991, bilateral trade between China and ASEAN grew from approximately $8 billion to over $911 billion by 2023, reflecting a remarkable more than 120-fold increase in a span of three decades.

Moreover, China has been ASEAN's largest trading partner for 15 consecutive years since 2009. In 2020, ASEAN surpassed the European Union to become China's largest trading partner, and the two have remained each other's top trading partner ever since.

These statistics highlight the considerable economic integration and interdependence within the region.

While economics is the base to China's good-neighborliness policy, its scope extends well beyond economic considerations. China has consistently championed peaceful coexistence, emphasizing that peace and security are essential prerequisites for sustainable development. 

In this respect, China stresses the importance of dialogue and diplomacy in resolving border disputes. China's good-neighborliness diplomacy has contributed in no small way to peace in the Asia-Pacific region over the last 40 years.

For example, China has consistently advocated resolving the South China Sea issue through dialogue and negotiations with ASEAN claimant countries, proposing that the parties concerned set aside disagreements and jointly develop resources.

China has also leveraged its influence to facilitate rapprochement among rival nations in Asia. In March 2023, it successfully brokered a detente between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the restoration of diplomatic ties between the two countries after years of intense rivalry that had destabilized several countries in the Middle East.

In July, China mediated a deal in which various Palestinian factions signed a declaration on ending division and strengthening Palestinian national unity.

Widespread support 

However, China's good-neighborliness policy is not without challenges. The U.S., which deems China's rise as a threat to its global hegemony, has gone all out in every domain including diplomacy, military, economics and technology, to contain and suppress China's rise.

To further its geopolitical interests, Washington has openly declared that while it cannot change the Beijing regime, it will proactively shape the strategic environment surrounding China to make it unfavorable to China—and advance its own geopolitical interests and objectives.

A typical example is how the U.S. has sought to destabilize Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region by covertly supporting separatist movements in the region and weaponizing alleged human rights issues to demonize China.

Lawrence Wilkerson, a retired U.S. Army Colonel who once served as chief of staff to then U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, openly stated that the best way for the U.S. to destabilize China would be to mount an operation using Uygurs to provoke unrest in Xinjiang.

The U.S. has also intervened in the South China Sea issue by backing claimant countries in their territorial claims and encouraging them to adopt a confrontational approach against China. This has included funding and supporting the Philippines in its unilateral initiation of arbitration regarding the South China Sea issue in 2013 at a non-UN tribunal.

In April 2023, the Philippines further granted the U.S. access to four new military bases under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, as well as allowed the U.S. to station intermediate-range missiles in the Philippines bases.

According to a survey result by Singapore-based think tank ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, The State of Southeast Asia 2024 Survey Report, more than half of the people in Southeast Asia, if forced to choose, would side with China over the U.S. It is noteworthy that this is the first time more people in ASEAN would choose China over the U.S. It highlights a notable shift in global power dynamics, where U.S. global influence and credibility appear to be waning, albeit gradually. In contrast, it is obvious China's good-neighborliness policy has gained widespread support across Asia.

The author is president of Center for New Inclusive Asia and president of ASEAN Research Center for a Community with Shared Future in Malaysia. This is an edited excerpt of an article first published on the China Focus website 

Copyedited by Elsbeth van Paridon 

Comments to yanwei@cicgamericas.com 

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